In the wee hours of Thursday morning, NYU journalism professor Jay Rosen took to his PressThink blog to spin forward from my post yesterday noting that Politico had excised a portion of its McChrystal coverage. The missing sentences had speculated that a freelance journalist like Michael Hastings, who wrote the Rolling Stone piece, may have been more likely to produce a controversial and forthright profile than his Pentagon beat reporter colleagues.
Politico’s managing editor, whom I contacted to ask what happened to the passage, declined to discuss it, writing to say, seemingly definitively, that “we don’t get into why we make editing decisions.”
Rosen made the right point, and then offered his own speculation as to what had happened:
What grounds could the Politico possibly have for redacting its own reporters’ work, and then refusing to talk to the profession’s leading journalism review about it? I can only speculate because the editors refuse to explain. But my guess would be that other beat reporters complained to the bosses and said…this makes us look bad! And the bosses, instead of standing up for their creed—revealing journalism state’s secrets—decided to cave and go Orwell on us. “That never happened” is the new story they offer readers. Along with “no more questions.”
They revealed too much, and quickly covered it up. That’s what I think. Now if John Harris, top editor of The Politico, wants to recover his senses and explain what was wrong with the original passage, I may change may mind.
As Rosen noted—and himself demonstrated by offering an unsubstantiated guess—without offering an explanation, Politico’s silence invited speculation, much of which would surely be unflattering.
Well, about twelve hours after Rosen’s post went up, Tim Grieve, a Politico deputy managing editor, wrote Rosen to say that without prompting from anyone else he removed the section “solely for the purposes of keeping the story tight and readable” as more information came in and was incorporated into the article. (By extension, I think we can take Grieve’s explanation to mean that Politico and reporters Carol Lee and Gordon Lubold stand behind the sentences’ original intent.)
It’s an entirely plausible explanation, and one that I would have happily passed on to CJR’s readers in my original post. (And if Grieve’s boss, managing editor Bill Nichols, would have shared the original version of the article, as I asked, concluding that it had been extensively revised and updated beyond the missing portion would have been a cinch.)
Instead, Politico decided to stand silent.
What ensued in the approximately twenty-four hours since Nichols conveyed that decision by telling me that, as a matter of course, Politico wouldn’t “get into … editing decisions” was an entirely predictable consequence of that no comment.
My post was spotlighted by many other press critics and reporters working online: Jack Shafer, Michael Calderone, and Greg Mitchell among them. Rosen’s speculation was featured on the industry water cooler site Romenesko, at Harper’s, and who knows where else.
A simple lesson: when a news organization feels it has a good explanation for an action that may have struck some as inappropriate or controversial, it should offer it, allowing readers and others to hear its reasoning, and perhaps win the doubters over.
Transparency won’t always silence everyone; sometimes reasonable (or unreasonable) minds will continue to disagree. And if there isn’t a good explanation, what’s wrong with simply saying “Our bad, we’ll try to do better in the future?”
That would be honest. And isn’t that, the Mirage Bar aside, something that journalists are supposed to be?
There’s something especially frustrating about a news organization that gets tight-lipped when asked for an explanation. Not to state the obvious, but that’s because asking for explanations is exactly what the organization exists to do. The hypocrisy of asking one thing of your sources and subjects but doing otherwise when the tables are turned is plain to see.
Explaining these judgment calls and editorial decisions ensures—and assures readers—that there’s an ongoing process inside the newsroom, where decisions are reevaluated and, if found faulty, learned from.
Even with yesterday’s reticence in mind, Politico has consistently been remarkably open. My CJR colleagues and I have benefited from many conversations and e-mail exchanges with their reporters and editors, unfettered by obtrusive PR handlers. Our reporting has benefited—and consequently our readers’ understanding, and Politico readers’ understanding, have benefited.
While as a media writer I certainly have a vested interest in journalists being transparent, I’ll acknowledge that from time to time a “no comment” will be reasonable. But it shouldn’t be or become routine.
If it does, you run the danger of setting up a newsroom culture that suggests that mistakes—or outright journalistic sins and misdemeanors—can be brushed by without explanation or correction. I can’t imagine that’s a good long-term strategy.
Rosen’s post also noted that Politico declined to explain another element of their Hastings/McChrystal coverage—their decision to host a PDF of Rolling Stone’s unpublished article before the magazine had published—when queried by my colleague Greg Marx.
Despite ample opportunity, Nichols and editor-in-chief John Harris declined to explain the thinking behind their site’s posting of Rolling Stone’s copyrighted, unpublished, content.
And so I’ll ask again: Care to explain?

Grieve's explanation would be more credible had it been given right away. But by waiting 24 hours, it appears that the explanation needed some vetting within Politico to cover its tracks. Isn't that what you'd think if a perfectly reasonable explanation from a politician came 24 hours after the question was asked? Of course, you would.
A cynic might also wonder if this post goes easy on Politico because "[e]ven with yesterday’s reticence in mind, Politico has consistently been remarkably open. My CJR colleagues and I have benefited from many conversations and e-mail exchanges with their reporters and editors, unfettered by obtrusive PR handlers. Our reporting has benefited—and consequently our readers’ understanding, and Politico readers’ understanding, have benefited."
Sounds like a journalistic organization that wants to keep its access to one of its sources.
www.NewsCommonsense.com
#1 Posted by Bob Griendling, CJR on Fri 25 Jun 2010 at 02:29 PM
Clint,
Doesn't anyone have a defense for the poor, hardworking beat reporter?
The over-generalizations, especially by Jay Rosen's minions, ignore the fact the the great majority of the men and women who cover Congress, or State, or do war reporting, or work the Pakistan desk, or work the police beat, mostly work their butts off day after day providing the wire services and national desks with competent, informative, professionally-written stories to the best of their ability without glory or important bylines or even name recognition in most cases.
I'm a big media critic myself and certainly acknowledge that *some* reporters are careerists first, or become true believers, or otherwise squelch an important story for access. But Rosen's sweeping generalizations are not informative and not helpful in the task of reforming journalism, if that's his aim. I'll give him credit, he has everyone talking, and everyone's joined the hallelujah chorus.
And CJR's failure to provide a countervailing defense of the honest, hardworking journo on the beat is a disservice to your readers, in my opinion. This is an area where you at CJR should shine.
How about it, Clint. Is Rosen correct, that all journos on the beat are corrupt minions of the powerful, or is there another part of the story, is there something in this that you can put into context? Or are you just going to let it ride?
#2 Posted by James, CJR on Fri 25 Jun 2010 at 03:38 PM
"Rosen's sweeping generalizations are not informative and not helpful in the task of reforming journalism..."
"Is Rosen correct, that all journos on the beat are corrupt minions of the powerful?"
Your performance in paraphrasing what I said is really really poor. And you are misidentifying whose generalizations are at issue here.
Here's what the Politico said: "Hastings would be considered a bigger risk to be given unfettered access, compared with a beat reporter, who would not risk burning bridges by publishing many of McChrystal’s remarks."
That is a generalization about beat reporters. It contains no qualification. Still, it doesn't say "all" and it does not mean "all." It means: that's a strong tendency among beat reporters....
Here's what Tom Ricks (former military reporter, Washington Post) said: "Reporters doing one-off profiles for magazines such as Rolling Stone and Esquire have less invested in a continuing relationship than do beat reporters covering the war for newspapers and newsmagazines."
http://ricks.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/06/23/the_mcchrystal_media_military_mashup_a_few_preliminary_lessons_for_generals
That is also a generalization about beat reporters. It contains no qualification. Still, it doesn't say "all" and it does not mean "all." It means: that's the tendency.
Here's what Jamie McIntyre (former Pentagon reporter, CNN) said "The dirty little secret among beat reporters who routinely travel with top military officials is that there’s a unwritten code, a general understanding, that off-color jokes, irreverent banter, and casual conversations are generally off-the-record, or on the deepest of background, unless otherwise agreed upon...So why would reporters protect senior military officers from what could be career-ending self-inflicted wounds? One word, 'access.' Access now, and even more importantly access later. No self-respecting reporter wants to give the military a free ride, but the best way to get future access to leave the impression you gave them a fair shake."
http://www.lineofdeparture.com/2010/06/22/what-was-he-thinking/#ixzz0rtrYQOVK
Those are generalizations about beat reporters. Jamie doesn't say "all" and he does not mean "all." he means: I've been there and that's the tendency.
Now here's what I said: "And that’s exactly what Gordon Lubold and Carol E. Lee did. They revealed one of political journalism’s state secrets: beat reporters have a motive to preserve key relationships, so they often don’t tell us everything they could, which makes them more reliable, more predictable, in the eyes of the powerful people they cover."
That's a paraphrase--a report, if you will--of what the Politico said. It says "often," it does not say, "always."
I also wrote: "Tom Ricks, a former beat reporter for the Washington Post who also covered the military, says pretty much the same thing: beat reporters have an investment in continuing the relationship so they are less risky for a powerful figure like McChrystal."
That's a summary--a report--on what Tom Ricks said. It's a probability statement: less risky.
I also wrote: "The suggestion is that a beat reporter would know when he’s being trusted not to reveal back stage behavior. It would never get to the point of “should I publish this damaging but spectacular story or hold it back to preserve my access…?” because the reporter would mentally label what he saw as unusable material. It wouldn’t be a question of “catching” the General and his staff because he would have internalized the difference between “on” time and down time, and this might even be part of his sophistication."
Which
#3 Posted by Jay Rosen, CJR on Fri 25 Jun 2010 at 05:35 PM
With all due respect, Professor Rosen, I'm imploring CJR to provide a countervailing argument from the professional side of journalism. Can journalists at CJR provide their readers with some context in the reality of professional journalism? The line between a "beat" journo and a "freelance" journo is not so clear. I commend you for creating the conversation in the blogophere about issues of access and how it may corrupt the practice of journalism, but with all due respect, you have only an observer's knowledge abut the subject, and thus you make a lot of generalizations that upon closer examination, fall apart. And the people you quote, Ricks et al, should really know better than to allow you to use them this way against their fellow professionals. I would hope that they might also add some context, seeing that you are cherry-picking their work to bludgeon their colleagues.
I'm in no position to argue the side of the beat reporter; I am also an outside observer. That's why I implore CJR to provide some context to your over-generalizations. Ryan Chittum here might have some thoughts about whether "beat" reporters are more apt to be corrupted by the need for access, or whether beat reporters "could never" write the piece the Hastings wrote. Well, that assertion is silly on its face. No one but Hastings could write it in that way. Another freelancer with a different skill set would write it a different way. Your assertion is pretty meaningless, yet you use it to disparage, as I said, the legions of beat journos who work their ass off every day out of the limelight. By your definition, Michael Wolff would be more hard-charging against the White House than, say, Peter Baker. I think that's bunk. I'll agree that SOME beat reporters are corrupted in this way, so, too, are freelancers. Those two categories, for one thing, are not mutually exclusive.
You can feel free to pound me over my own generalizations, but that's really beside the point. My admittedly hyperbolic ending to my comment was meant as a challenge to Mr. Hendler.
#4 Posted by James, CJR on Fri 25 Jun 2010 at 06:56 PM
There has been thus far zero effort to give beat reporting vs. freelancing a real hearing. As a media observer, not a journalist, I have no standing to make the argument, but since no one else is making it yet, here's my best shot.
- Define "beat reporting." It's not so clearcut as the smug liberal blogosphere makes it out to be. How about the Congressional correspondent temporarily assigned to cover a campaign? Beat? How about the guy in the Pakistan bureau sent to Afghanistan. Beat? How about Leonhardt and Risen, are they beat or freelance? When on book leave - still beat, or become freelance? Hasting himself - his actual beat is Afghanistan. He just writes for different organizations.
-Rosen and his followers, and even some journalists, make the claim that a a beat reporter could never have written this piece because beat reporters are too afraid of losing access. Are they claiming, then, that Tom Ricks or John Burns would have suppressed this story for the sake of access? Let's ask them, shall we? Tom Ricks, would you have suppressed the drunken bus ride and the anti-French commentary in order to preserve your access to Team America? How about you, John Burns? How about you, Dexter Filkins? Does Charlie Savage suppress information for the sake of access to the White House? Does Peter Baker? Let's ask them, as beat reporters.
-A challenge to Professor Rosen: Name ONE thing in that story that a beat war correspondent would have suppressed for the sake of access.
Hastings and his editor made clear that everything in the piece was on the record. They were saying this stuff into a tape recorder. There was no reason for Hastings to think he was burning bridges; indeed, his editor called back for confirmation of the quotes, which he received. So which of those quotes would Tom Ricks have suppressed for the sake of access? For the purpose of not burning bridges? Name one. And back it up.
- Beat reporters can have advantages over freelancers, as well as the other way around. A beat reporter might be in a better position to recognize a key official, to understand the significance of a meeting or an incremental change in policy, may be more likely to receive a leak or a scoop. This is not to disparage freelancers, I'm just saying that the argument hasn't been made yet on the beat reporter side.
So it's a lot more complicated than the facile, high-horse moralizing in the liberal blogosphere, and I'm frankly appalled that no professional is weighing in, even going along with this simplistic journo-bashing. What's off-putting to me is the arrogance of thinking up cutesy names for concepts that have been long discussed with far more nuance, and pretending that it is somehow revelatory. Especially when those cutesy, facile names are slightly off-base from the reality of professional journalism.
All Rosen has done is find another way to express the problem. And worse, he doesn't offer any remedies, so I'm asking, so what? Where do we go from here?
I'll start. Judge the content of the reporter's work, and can the simplistic, facile and moralizing rhetoric.
#5 Posted by James, CJR on Fri 25 Jun 2010 at 10:46 PM
Some context in the reality of professional journalism:
-Events happen.
-Reporter reports, Editor edits.
-Report, update, edit, rinse, repeat. Out comes a nicely packaged little sausage, a polished, professionally-produced news item, wiped clean of sweat and blue ink.
That process is played out thousands and thousands of times every day in American newsrooms.
Where Politico fell short was in the initial editing: the offending sentence was clearly editorial, clearly factually untrue, and clearly not germane to the story. It was eventually, and rightly, edited out of the story. There is nothing remarkable there. Now, whether it was stuck in there as link bait (in which case, nicely done!), or just hasty, careless editing, I can't say.
Meanwhile, the good professor Rosen, the Mayor of Mindcasting, and the blogos/twittosphere proceeded to concoct some kind of wacky conspiracy to "suppress" the "truth" that reporters sometimes don't write about stuff that people tell them. OMG!
High moral dudgeon ensued. Rosen and Greenwald rode that faux outrage pony for days. Blogs were posted. Tweets were twittered. Commenters commented. Links were exchanged. Evil Orwellian conspiracy was mulled. Regrettably, CJR and others in the MSM who should know better, joined right in.
Obviously, *some* reporters (freelance, beat, what have you) suppress newsworthy stuff for purposes of ensuring continued access or other dark, nefarious reasons. But this particular Orwellian theory of Rosen's is born out of ignorance of the mundane detail of news operations. He doesn't even TRY to understand this stuff in that light, as far I know.
But Hendler, Barrett and CJR don't have to get swept along in these high dudgeon feeding frenzies. I mean really, "down the memory hole" "like Orwell's 1984"? Do you buy that, Clint?
To be clear, Professor Jay Rosen has claimed that the editing of a news story is "like Orwell's 1984."
Your job is to provide a reality check, isn't it, Clint?
#6 Posted by James, CJR on Mon 28 Jun 2010 at 08:51 AM
You made a reckless, and stupid charge, which is that I claimed "all journos on the beat are corrupt minions of the powerful." It cannot be sustained by looking at what I wrote, which was way more careful and limited than your inept paraphrase. The smart thing to do would be to acknowledge your error.
#7 Posted by Jay Rosen, CJR on Tue 29 Jun 2010 at 12:51 PM