With Jill Abramson about to take the reins as executive editor of The New York Times, one of the paper’s leading writers is also taking on a management role. David Leonhardt, the “Economic Scene” columnist and winner of the most recent Pulitzer Prize for commentary, will become chief of the Times’s Washington, D.C. bureau after Labor Day. (The outgoing bureau chief, Dean Baquet, has been promoted to succeed Abramson as managing editor.)
As he prepares for his new job, Leonhardt spoke Monday with CJR contributor Greg Marx. He said no decision had been made about a number of internal-to-the-Times issues—such as who his deputy chiefs will be, and how often and in what format he will continue to write—but spoke at length about why he took on the assignment, and what he sees as the role of the press in standing up for truth in political battles. An edited transcript of the conversation follows.
Let’s start with the basics about your new assignment. What does a Washington bureau chief do? You had a pretty great job before, so what appealed to you about taking on this new role?
The Times is organized in a series of departments, most of which are visible to readers as sections—Metro, BizDay, National, Sports, Style, and so on. Washington is one of the departments, but it does not have its own section, so you don’t see “Washington” in the paper every day. Washington contributes to the National space, and obviously to the front page, to the foreign space, to the business space, to Science, and other places. The bureau chief is the head of the Washington department, and so what you’re doing is, along with a team of other editors, managing the Washington report—figuring out what kinds of stories we should be doing, and how we should be doing them.
And you’re right, I did have a really good job. But I always knew that at some point I would want to be an editor, and this was just too good of an opportunity to do it. There are a great group of people working in the bureau. The story is obviously enormously important, and it’s the beginning of a new administration here at the Times. The combination of all those things added up to it not being a difficult call, in spite of how much I liked my old job.
That’s a pretty wide-ranging set of topics. How do you plan to get up to speed on big issues that are outside your area of expertise, like national security?
I didn’t get into journalism just to be an economics reporter—I loved it, but it isn’t my only interest. And one of the things I’m most excited about is the chance to learn about new areas like national security, and to be able to do it alongside the best national security journalistic team in the country. It’s something that Dean Baquet really took to, himself. He came into this job with not an enormous amount of national security experience, and I think everyone, starting with Dean, would agree that one of his favorite parts of the job, and one of the most important, was his role with national security, because of how interested he got in it.
Perhaps more important than that, though, is the fact that there are a lot of editors here, and we all come with our own set of backgrounds. None of us has a reporting background that fits the paper’s report, or even one department’s report. We all agree that there is nothing about my selection that is a signal that we’re going to move toward a greater emphasis on economic policy than we’ve already had. It’s just that every editor needs to have some kind of background, and mine happens to be more in domestic policy and economic policy.
To focus on economic policy for a moment, your farewell column was in part a catalogue of things we know about the nature of our economic challenges. But many policymakers wouldn’t acknowledge that all the things you say we know are actually known. So how do you structure press coverage—in individual stories and broader orientation—to deal with that disconnect?

This is a good interview with thoughtful questions. What might seem to leap out for the reader is that The New York Times is operating with a silo model when that format is obsolete.
It will slow reaction to IT changes, for example. The Telegraph in the UK has produced a must-read live news phone-hacking blog beautifully incorporating Twitter, even if The Guardian's blog is better at breaking news. The NYT, which might have been able to buy Twitter in the past, is stuck with about.com. (Twitter is now apparently worth $8B.)
Major news stories in The NYT are often great reads. But the silo method means that large areas of experience go unreported. For example, there is nothing in this interview about the need for America to engage in a formal audit of practices in education, especially for colleges. By studying course descriptions online, we can easily see that colleges can't orient quickly enough to tools in Modernism, the brilliant iPad App for "The Waste Land," and the Yale annotations to same.
Harvard, Yale, and Princeton are happy to be obsolete. There is no way to get traction on this issue. The federal government is non-existent in this area. If The NYT had a formal Higher Education section, as The Australian does, it could cover these matters from a Washington perspective. Instead, it has "Education Life." Spare me.
#1 Posted by Clayton Burns, CJR on Wed 3 Aug 2011 at 11:57 AM
Though Mr. Leonhardt is a clever rhetorician, the following contradiction can not be glossed over.
Here, he lays out the NYT's m.o.: "We do not say the way to solve it is X or Y. But we start from a base that the Congressional Budget Office and the vast majority of economists ... are correct."
Later, he regrets blindly trusting those same folks: "[W]e weren’t skeptical enough. ... We were still too affected by the conventional wisdom ... I do think there are times when that happens, when it seems like everyone smart or everyone in power thinks one thing, and we need to say to ourselves, is there a chance that it’s wrong?"
(No, David. You should always ask that.)
The NYT will wiggle, swerve, sidestep, backtrack: whatever it takes to appear independent of the State. But, more so every day, shrewd observers are seeing the Old Grey Lady for the economic- and military-war cheer leader she is and always has been.
#2 Posted by Dan A., CJR on Wed 3 Aug 2011 at 01:38 PM
Not a single question about climate change. Guess it doesn't matter.
#3 Posted by Sam Penrose, CJR on Thu 4 Aug 2011 at 10:06 AM
"I wouldn’t agree, because, in part, I don’t think assigning blame is what our job is."
If your job is to report the facts and to give your audience the best representation of reality that you can manage based on those facts, then your job is to assign the blame if that is the conclusion revealed by the facts (and your economics reporting has done well in this regard in the past when it came to the origins of the deficit).
"For example, we cover the deficit as if the notion that the U.S. is on an unsustainable fiscal path is an objective truth. There are some people who essentially reject that truth, but we don’t let the existence of that opinion sway us from covering the deficit story in a way that acknowledges that we have long-term unsustainability problem."
Again there is large agreement on the US being on an unsustainable fiscal path, but there is large disagreements on the cause of that unsustainability and the required policy responses at the present time.
What are the facts of the cause? What are the facts about appropriate policy responses?If the facts point to a large segment of the body politic and punditry being horribly wrong, then the journalists job is not to sustain a true conclusion (the deficit is a problem) based on false reasoning (government spending is too high. We should lower taxes to increase revenues).
The facts are from your own reporting:
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/10/business/economy/10leonhardt.html
And from CBO reports. Taxes are too low. The recession is killing revenues and increasing safety net costs. A giant demographic shift towards the old is about to occur. The American health care industry, both private and public, has costs way out of alignment with outcomes and those costs are going to skyrocket. The wind down of the financial crisis has been protracted and needlessly expensive and the new regulatory measures are not adequate to prevent further crashes. Federal spending salvaged the collapsing state economies at the cost of a worsened federal deficit. Measures to control costs that affect the benefits of private entities - be they regulations on credit, subsidizes for oil companies, cost effectiveness studies for medical procedures, the closing of foreign tax shelters used by American corporations are going to be fought every step of the way by conservative democrats and dirty republicans.
Cutting government spending now is wrong. Cutting taxes is wrong. Ignoring decaying infrastructure while surpluses of cheap capital and unemployed labor are available is wrong. The, "It's not our job," sounds a bit too much like "It's not our role" for my comfort. Please, I've admired your work up until this point, please do not let yourself become another David Gregory:
http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2009/01/20/david_gregory
#4 Posted by Thimbles, CJR on Thu 4 Aug 2011 at 01:24 PM