Insiders tended to dismiss the critique, believing either that the premise was invalid (the business press didn’t miss the story) or that Stewart was talking to the wrong person (whatever Stewart was looking for—muckraking? accountability journalism?—that’s not what Cramer and CNBC actually do all day).
Yet Stewart had put his finger on a fundamental tension within business news itself about its role and its audience: Whom does it serve, investors or the public? The argument over what business news actually is has never been resolved within newsrooms, or even properly articulated.
And it needs to be. Investors and the public are two very different audiences, requiring very different approaches to newsgathering. Serving the public requires an accountability orientation—a frame broad enough to take in social and external costs, as well as the time and space to lay out a case. Serving investors requires a Lipin-like approach: access to insiders, speed, and a focus on internal metrics like earnings.
This divide actually goes way back. Historians trace the market for business information to seventeenth-century Europe, when a financial press rose to track growing shipping and commerce, and then greatly expanded in the early eighteenth century with the growing popularity of joint-stock companies, including the notorious South Sea Company. (Economist Robert J. Shiller has pointedly noted that the first financial bubbles arrived at the same time as the first financial newspapers; one fueled the other.)
In the US, the first newspapers essentially were commercial papers and, as in Europe, underpinned markets and pricing systems. Indeed, financial communications proved to be a precondition for capitalism itself. Dow Jones & Company, the future parent of The Wall Street Journal, started as essentially a news-relay service on Wall Street. The dour Charles Dow and the dandy Edward Jones would dispatch messenger boys from the dingy company offices on Wall Street with pieces of paper conveying the latest corporate news to Wall Street investors. The company’s big competitive advantage was a special stylus developed by a third, and now-forgotten, founder, one Charles M. Bergstresser (I think of him as the third tenor of Dow Jones), which could produce more than two-dozen copies with a single impression. Then, as now, speed meant the difference between relevance and the lack of it. Reporters staked out corporate board meetings, and, if phones weren’t available, would run to a window to signal a colleague in the street through some prearranged system: one wave of a handkerchief might mean, “no extra dividend”; four might mean, “merger off.”
Then, as now, access to insiders was essential. Jones, who would go on to work in a stock brokerage, was known for his contacts up and down the Street. Lloyd Wendt’s 1982 history of The Wall Street Journal recalls this chance encounter between Jones and William Rockefeller, John D. Rockefeller’s brother and a Standard Oil executive, on Broad Street one day:
Rockefeller: “Edward, would it mean anything to you to get a little advance Standard Oil news?”
Jones (beaming): “Kind sir, would you dare say that again?”
Rockefeller: “Here’s something I jotted down for you, if you care to use it. Only, please, keep your authority confidential!”
And Dow Jones had another scoop (about a dividend increase).
This was highly specialized, elite communications targeted specifically at investors and not intended for the general public—which, understandably, stayed away in droves. The Journal’s circulation in the first decade of the twentieth century languished under 10,000; it was a glorified newsletter.
The muckraking periodical, McClure’s, by contrast, peaked at nearly half a million, bigger, proportionally for the size of the US population, than The New York Times is today. And while the early financial press could be surprisingly good—accurate, reliable, sometimes skeptical—it displayed no ambivalence about its role as a servant to investors. Its pages reflected that approach: a jumble of the latest corporate news, government data, commentary, analysis, and editorials (and many ads) presented with little context and with an assumption that the reader knows the lingo and the players. It was rather like an hour of CNBC today.

Interesting idea, Dean. I wonder how it fits in the FONosphere though, given the idea, near universal, that anything other than market-actionable "scoops" are a generalized commodity, worth nothing at all.
Also, you call Pearson PLC's $160 million expansion, which gained the company 91,000 new readers, "a success." Really? At $1,700 per?
#1 Posted by Edward Ericson Jr., CJR on Tue 10 Jan 2012 at 03:56 PM
Dean - if M&A reporters jobs is to cozy up to dealmakers to get deal term scoops 1st (so readers can trade off it) than isn't the reporter just working for a few on Wall Street and not the reader. AR Sorkin's fail was to warn that any of those levered up 05-07 PE deals might also mean a fail for PE investors when the credit bubble burst. I didn't see Sorkin doing his main street investor readers(most of NYT Biz readers) any service by promoting his banker sources deals with out a few warnings on how the deal terms might bite shareholders in the rear.
#2 Posted by Teri Buhl, CJR on Tue 17 Jan 2012 at 01:17 PM
Most financial reporting can be summed up in a single word - "infomercial".
#3 Posted by Hugh Akston, CJR on Sat 21 Jan 2012 at 02:03 PM
Dean,
Quite agree. However there have been a few voices crying out in the wilderness. \
For years reporters have been pointing out that the rating agencies in the USA were corrupt; the companies being assessed are paying the rating agencies. Also the press pointed out the conflict of interest that Paulson had being a Goldman Sachs loyalist and yet working for the administration in the last crash. But the tank just keeps on rolling. Why? Most of the financial reporters are New Yorkers and steeped in that culture; accepting of Wall Street and its mores and unable to cast a critical eye over it. Like the money honey from Brooklyn, they just tell it how it is. Actually getting stuck into Wall Street is not on their radar. To get a good and aggressive business press, I suggest using more aggressive outsiders e.g. Harvard economics professors and Stanford experts too. It was a Stanford academic, a doctor with alzberger syndrome who finally worked out the mortgage CDO plot by going over k10 reports from 1 am to 5 am., according to a long piece in Vanity Fair.
But why did the press allow Pres. Clinton to abolish the Glass Steagall Act without a word? I think Americans are too much in awe of the office of President and the 'sacred' Constitution. Ridiculous. Clinton was a flawed as the rest of us. He only did it to allow the merger of Travellers and Citigroup( making along the way former Travellers CEO Sandy Weill rich beyond the dreams of avarice).
#4 Posted by Pamela Griffiths Clark , CJR on Tue 21 Feb 2012 at 07:51 AM
Hugh Akston called financial reporting an “informercial.” So it’s not really reporting. The financial media is now a trade publication, not journalism. They repeatedly interview propagandists (from Koch funded groups). It would be nice to have journalism.
Even the MSM now functions as press agent, he said she said, race barkers, and gotcha, rather than journalism. The media tells us we live in a globalized world, and then their Wall Street owners cut out investigative reporting and foreign correspondents.
Journalism is closely related to science. Throughout history, the arts and sciences have often been supported in some way by the state. They and journalism are essential public services that the market does not always support. (The cure for bad science is more science, for bad journalism is more journalism, etc.)
Successful nations have always managed their affairs and pursued their interests. Our important use of the free market is only one function. Laissez faire theory, that we should have ONLY a market, has no support in the historical record. “You can’t pick winners” is also false. Many technologies and products started with some gov’t support. We need both public policy and private entrepreneurship in a free market. A public private partnership may be needed to create business journalism.
On the issue raised by Pamela Clark, in the 1990s, the mantra of Republicans and Texas Gov. Bush was self-regulation. We saw how that worked out. Regarding deregulation under Clinton, since we do not have public funding of elections, another essential, Democrats serve business. They agreed to deregulation because the banks were doing so well, and the deal was that there would still be adequate regulation. They had no way to know that Bush/Cheney would run an orgy of deregulation, due their appointees. (Some states tried to regulate the growing subprime mess and were block by the Bush administration.)
Recall the other deals that Bush violated?
(It wasn’t a war act, it was a war powers act. Hank Paulson would not need to use what he called his bazooka if we gave it to him. Limit CO2 and other similarities to Gore. Be a uniter, instead of appointing extremists.)
#5 Posted by Harry Thorn, CJR on Thu 8 Mar 2012 at 10:15 PM