In view of the news cooperative’s dependence on MacArthur funding, will it investigate the realities on the ground for public-housing residents? If the facts so dictate, will it challenge the official narrative the city and foundation have worked so hard to construct? Is it prepared to risk damaging a key funding relationship in pursuit of an important story involving some of the city’s poorest, most vulnerable residents?
Over the last ten years, the MacArthur Foundation has, in effect, policed the parameters of permissible discourse about public housing in Chicago. As the major funder in this area, it has provided support to virtually everyone working in the field (including, briefly, me). At a glance, one might imagine this reflects a commitment to robust debate. In fact, it more resembles a political machine that absorbs and thereby neutralizes potential challengers. For the most part, this dynamic appears to be less the result of deliberate strategy than a byproduct of grantsmanship.
Imagine you are the executive director of a nonprofit working on public-housing issues. Support from the MacArthur Foundation accounts for a significant portion of your budget. You are disturbed by city policies that you believe harm public-housing tenants. MacArthur strongly supports those policies. Will you voice your concerns? Publicly? Privately? If so, how forcefully? You need to be realistic. You want to sustain the work of your organization, you have a payroll to meet, and you must answer to your board. The best course, you tell yourself, is to retreat to fight another day.
Viewed in isolation, this may seem an exercise in common sense. Yet such decisions, in the aggregate, can have a devastating impact on public discourse about important issues. As journalists join the nonprofit world, will we be able to resist the siren song of such calculations? The danger is not so much that foundations will dictate what gets covered and what does not. That is relatively easy to resist. It is that we will seek to ingratiate ourselves to funders in order to stay afloat. It is precisely because the stakes are so high, with careers and enterprises in the balance, that the pull toward accommodation is so intense.
Self-censorship is subtle and insidious. It is often hidden from those practicing it as well as those subjected to it. Amid all the decisions that go into producing any journalistic artifact, it can easily be disguised as editorial judgment or realism about limited resources. After all, there are many worthy stories for the news cooperative to tackle that do not overlap with MacArthur’s interests. When we back away from, or soften, a story that might alienate a funder, will we even recognize what we are doing?
In raising these questions, I do not mean to impugn the integrity of particular reporters and editors—or to claim some higher moral ground. In my career, I have accepted support from a number of funders with definite agendas. And I am currently seeking to raise funds for the journalistic initiative with which I am associated, the Invisible Institute.
Nor do I mean to romanticize the old regime. In traditional newsrooms there are many pulls toward self-censorship: anxieties about alienating advertisers and subscribers; skittishness about proposing stories that challenge the crotchets of powerful editors and publishers; concern about maintaining access to institutions and individuals one covers; and so on.
This is familiar terrain. Good journalists navigate it with self-awareness, resourcefulness, and, when need be, cunning. The new kinds of potential conflicts in the emerging nonprofit journalism, by contrast, are largely uncharted. As we enter this gravitational field, the only way to keep our bearings is to challenge ourselves and one another to remain alert to the risks.
By the same token, philanthropy needs to examine its own practices. These days many foundations are disinclined to provide general operating support to their grantees. They prefer to fund specific projects bearing on the policy areas that concern them. That is the essence of their craft: to create incentives that draw work to a particular area. The danger in the journalistic context is that such incentives will also act as disincentives—as invitations to self-censorship.

I agree with Mr. Kalven that with grants, journalists need to err on the side of biting the hand that feeds in order to keep public discourse alive. But I'd like him to clarify how this is different from the old challenges of placating advertisers and subscribers? The only difference he cited was the "uncharted territory" of dealing with grants, which seems unsubstantial to me. The old system is in crisis; it's a bad time to be afraid of the new. Yet Mr. Kalven acknowledges that he's setting up a nonprofit funded by grants himself. So I suppose he means to support these ventures and put journalists on their guard--but against what?
#1 Posted by Jenny, CJR on Tue 25 May 2010 at 02:54 PM
As the editor at The New York Times responsible for recruiting the Chicago News Cooperative to supply local coverage for our papers distributed in the Chicago area, I am particularly disappointed in the ungenerous – to borrow the author’s term – tone of Jamie Kalven’s article.
He raises a specious concern about CNC’s ability to report independently about issues of interest to its donors and board members and then offers no evidence that his fear is well founded. I can see that he has a genuine concern about the way that the University of Chicago conducts itself as a neighbor in Chicago. And I can see that he’s quite knowledgeable about the MacArthur Foundation’s views about public housing. But I don’t see that he asked anyone at CNC about what it’s doing to insulate itself from the influence of its donors and board members. More to the point, I don’t see that he’s adduced any evidence of an influence on CNC’s content – or even read it.
This guilt-by-association thing cuts many ways. For example, CNC has a very close relationship with The Times. We talk to its editors daily. Our editors and theirs kick CNC copy back and forth before it’s published. I’d readily issue a Gary Hart-style challenge to Mr. Kalven to find evidence that CNC’s relationship with either MacArthur or the University of Chicago is anything close to that intimate.
Perhaps that’s why our influence on CNC’s reporting is so much stronger. Or the influence of CNC’s editors: Jim O’Shea, Jim Kirk and David Greising. All of them, like The Times, are committed to reporting without fear or favor on a wide range of Chicago institutions. And all of us have our reputations riding on whether we do just that.
After my copy of CJR arrived in the mail – I’m a paying customer, and a donor on top of that, but apparently have little influence over what you write – I went back to review some of the articles we’ve published from CNC just in the last couple of months. I found tough, original reporting on the neighborhood and housing issues that Mr. Kalven’s analysis suggests we’d be missing. Articles like:
“Suburbs Unite in Quest for Federal Housing Aid, but Are Shut Out,” by Juan-Pablo Velez, May 7, 2010; “Unexpected Repairs Rattle Owners of New Condos,” by Daniel Libit, April 23, 2010; and “Problem of Vacant Houses Resists Easy Solution,” by Jim O’Shea, April 4, 2010.
CNC is covering immigration (“Deportation’s Brief Adios and Prolonged Anguish,” by Meribah Knight, May 9, 2010; “Agencies are Stretched in Efforts to Aid Refugees,” by Meribah Knight, April 16, 2010), gang violence (“A Gang War Destroys Lives and Prods Peacemakers,” by Don Terry, May 2, 2010), city schools (“Schools Test a New Tool for Improving Evaluation of Teachers,” by Crystal Yednak, April 9, 2010) – the list goes on and on. We are delighted, too, with the broad-shouldered coverage of local politics we’re getting consistently from the CNC newsroom – not least in columns by Jim Warren.
I deeply regret the opening that we created last January by failing to disclose then-CNC Chairman Peter Osnos’s tie, as publisher, to the Jonathan Cole book on which Warren built a column praising the University of Chicago. (Full disclosure: My undergraduate degree is from Columbia, where Cole has long taught sociology; my eldest daughter is pursuing a doctorate in sociology; my second-oldest daughter is a Columbia junior. Time to break out “The DaVinci Code” and start tracing the connections.) The moment that omission came to our attention, we corrected it. And we did not repeat that mistake: When Emma Graves Fitzsimmons wrote on May 21 about University of Chicago housing research partly funded by the MacArthur Foundation ("A Wish for More Community in Mixed-Income Units"), CNC's funding from MacArthur was disclosed. To my eye, and that of CNC's editors, there was no trace of MacArthur influence on that reporting.
There are so many real problems in Ameri
#2 Posted by Jim Schachter, CJR on Sat 29 May 2010 at 07:59 AM
I've been in Chicago since 1980 and have founded or led 10 nonprofit enterprises in the arts, community development and civic engagement. I have to second Kalven's concerns about the close relationship between the Mayor's policies, the business community which often supports and staffs them and the funding community which frequently funds them.
I was a co-organizer of No Games Chicago (http://www.nogameschicago.com), a coalition of volunteer activists and concerned citizens from around the city who successfully opposed the city's bid for the 2016 Olympics. This was an all-consuming, all out effort by the Mayor and his top people and was led by Pat Ryan, former Chair of AON Insurance. I can tell you that Chicago's civic organizations - many of whom are funded by MacArthur, refused to take a critical look at the bid and the media here were all echo chambers for the mis-information put out by the 2016 Committee
Twenty local foundations, including MacAthur, gave the 2016 Committee over $3 million. This at a time of the worst financial situation and greatest need for social service we've ever seen in Chicago. 13 media outlets are also listed in the roll of 2016 donors. Pat Ryan gave $100,000 to the mayor's 2007 re-election effort. Mr. Ryan was Citizen of the Year at the Civic Federation in 2007 and is a major donor. The Civic Federation was selected by the City Council to review the 2016 bid. It issued a report that concluded all is well with the finances and underpinnings of the bid. The City Council voted 49-0 to endorse the "blank check" required to be a finalist city and made Alderman Ed Burke the overseer of the city's Olympic Commitments. Mr. Burke's law firm has nine clients who have given a total of at least $1 million to the bid committee.
Julia Stasch is just one of many former Daley staffers serving in major civic organizations. People can connect the dots. I personally talked to over a dozen leaders of civic organization who refused to take a public stand on the bid - even though they privately had grave doubts - because they feared loosing grants and city contracts.
I know of instances where people and organization leaders were threatened, seduced and promised all sorts of post-games goodies.
Bottom line - I am deeply concerned about an old-boys network controlling our news. I have grave reservations about the MacArthur funded news effort -staffed with some of the same people who were part of the uncritical 2016 cheering squad.
A better solution would be a citizen powered news effort - where the news gatherers are trained to follow the money in city government - taxes, TIFs, contracts and campaign contributions - and place it all on an easy-to-read web platform. I'd call this effort The Citizens Financial News Service.
Frankly, I do not trust Ms. Stasch to help me discover the real facts behind something as big as an Olympic bid backed relentlessly by her former boss. I don't trust the Chicago civic eco-system to critically report on the NEXT scam backed by the Mayor, Alderman Burke and blessed by the Civic Federation. In fact - that scam is already in the wings - it's called the Central Area Plan (see http://tinyurl.com/248798q).
No, we taxpayers are totally on our own. If we don't take the time to dig and tell the truth and connect the dots, the REAL story of Chicago’s finances and priorities will not be told.
#3 Posted by Tom Tresser, CJR on Tue 1 Jun 2010 at 11:23 AM
Actually, the CNC piece on the Chicago Housing Authority that Jim Schachter cites is a good example of some of these issues - discussed at length here:
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/curtis-black/the-emnew-york-timesem-in_b_603458.html
#4 Posted by Curtis Black, CJR on Tue 8 Jun 2010 at 01:47 PM
Any method of covering a city is going to run into conflicts of interest. Commercial journalism faces pressure from its advertisers, who don't even pretend to share the journalistic mission.
The best we can hope for, I think, is to have a mix of corrupting pressures that don't push all reporters in the same direction. So if nonprofit newsrooms face different pressures from profit-making ones, that's about as good as it gets.
#5 Posted by Doug Muder, CJR on Fri 11 Jun 2010 at 08:20 AM