As illustrated above, the voting records of state legislators like Brown can also be used to assess their ideological track record and forecast their behavior as a statewide or federal elected official. While some candidates adjust their positions due to changes in the constituencies that they represent, the general pattern is that legislators tend to have relatively consistent ideological positions over time. For instance, Shor identified two likely moderates among the Republican House class of 2010 based on their voting record in state legislatures. (Nevada’s Joe Heck turned out in fact to be quite moderate compared to his party, while Illinois’s Randy Hultgren is closer to the center of the GOP caucus.)

In addition, Shor and McCarty’s data enable reporters to assess the relative positioning of legislators in primaries and to quantify the ideological stakes in campaigns. In one post, for instance, Shor compared the ideological scores for Rep. Alan Mollohan to Mike Oliverio, a West Virginia state legislator who defeated Mollohan in a 2010 Democratic primary. Mollohan scored near the average for liberalism among Democrats in the state, while Oliverio was about as conservative as the average West Virginia Republican—a huge difference with significant consequences for how the district would be represented. (Oliverio ultimately narrowly lost to a Republican in the 2010 general election.) Similarly, he found that Deb Fischer, a current U.S. senator from Nebraska, was in the 93rd percentile for conservatism among Republicans in the state legislature—much further to the right than Jon Bruning, the Attorney General and former state legislator whom she defeated in a primary campaign last year.

Finally, these data make it possible to draw meaningful and often subtle distinctions between relative ideological positions within a state and absolute ideological positioning across states. Shor and McCarty compute estimates of legislator ideology based on roll call voting in state legislatures and then make them comparable across states using candidate survey data from Project Votesmart. As a result, when State Assemblywoman Dede Scozzafava was criticized from the right for not being conservative enough during a 2009 special election in New York’s 23rd district, Shor could show that Scozzafava was actually “slightly more conservative than the average Republican legislator in Albany,” but that “New York’s Republicans (along with Massachusetts’, Connecticut’s, Hawaii’s, and New Jersey’s) are the most liberal in the country.” In other words, she’s a conservative Republican for New York, but not by national standards.

Much more can be done to incorporate political science insights into daily political reporting. Shor and McCarty’s data offer a valuable new resource to statehouse reporters who are covering the next Scott Brown or Dede Scozzafava.

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Brendan Nyhan is an assistant professor of government at Dartmouth College. He blogs at brendan-nyhan.com and tweets @BrendanNyhan.