“The newsletter’s mailing list is used to draw subscribers to closed-door ‘seminars’ in Washington twice a year at which top Administration and political figures speak. Once General Haig left the side of Richard Nixon in Key Biscayne and flew back to Washington to address one of these sessions. To hear notables give off-the-cuff, off-the-record insights, the businessmen and others who attend–about 65 to 70–pay $200 each. Some of those who have appeared at the request of Evans and Novak have been accorded exceedingly favorable treatment in the column, although there are exceptions, most notably Haig, who fell from grace in the column as he fell from power.”
Stephen E. Nordlinger wrote those sentences about Rowland Evans Jr. and Robert Novak, who gained fame and fortune on the strength of their “Inside Report” column and its related newsletter, in a takedown that appeared in the long-defunct (and, sadly, un-linkable) More magazine. In 1974. This business of journalists collecting money for hosting off-the-record gatherings, it seems, has been around for a while.
Still, given the events of the past week, now seems as good a time as any to take a look at the ethical questions posed by such gatherings. The belief here is that, taken separately, off-the-record dialogues and money-making live events are potentially problematic but within ethical bounds. But marry the two together, and you’re in dangerous journalistic territory.
It’s worth acknowledging some distinctions between the two media organizations that have come in for greatest scrutiny: Atlantic Media and The Washington Post. The Post was embarrassed because its justly infamous promotional flier, revealed last week by Politico (which also unearthed a related document), was startlingly abject in its enthusiasm to satisfy sponsors’ every wish—including friendly face-time with government officials and Post editorial staff.
Atlantic Media’s own promotional material for its private salons, which suggests that sponsors sometimes have a financial interest in the topic under discussion, treads too far into Postterritory. But Atlantic insists that, at its events, it controls the guest list, does not promise access to government officials, and places no question off-limits. These measures are far from panaceas, but they’re not meaningless, either.
Descriptions of the Atlantic salons, meanwhile, suggest sponsors may be paying as much for an experience as for access—that is, for the sense of exclusivity gleaned from sitting around a table with high-level journalists and political insiders. Viewed this way, the events evoke not so much a smoke-filled room as a gated intellectual community–a rare place where, as Atlantic Media Chairman David Bradley put it, “purposeful, engaged, constructive conversation across walls” can occur. (Jack Shafer may go too far in parts of his Slate screed on this topic, but he accurately identifies the air of intellectual vanity that statement carries: “Going off the record is what Washingtonians do to make themselves feel important.”)
Worth noting, too, is that this isn’t only about The Atlantic and the Post. Politico wrote last week about off-the-record events offered by The Wall Street Journal and The Economist, describing a pair of summits about Mexico and Brazil the latter will host this fall. But portions of The Economist’s many, many other conferences may also be off the record; the program for a two-day roundtable on Portugal the publication hosted in January, for example, notes that comments at three of the seven sessions were not for publication.
There’s a difference in transparency, though, between a private salon and an event that’s open to the public, even one that’s off-the-record. According to a spokesperson for The Economist, all the company’s conferences are “broadly marketed,” “open to anyone who pays the delegate fee” and “open to credentialed media”; sponsors are also disclosed on the Web. Even if The Atlantic’s salons are as innocuous as its staff members insist, the lack of specific details still grates.
And, full disclosure, the Columbia Journalism Review holds a semi-annual breakfast event/salon aimed at helping gather support for our business desk, The Audit. We explain ourselves here.
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In many if not all enterpises, it seems, participants are supposed to avoid even the appearance of impropriety to avoid detracting from their profession. Attorneys and judges are not supposed to engage in conduct that appears unlawful--even if it's not. Military officers (at least when I was in the Navy) are not supposed to act in ways an officer and a gentlemen. For the Fourth Estate, the equivalent stricture appears to be to avoid the appearance of accepting money in exchange for access. It's the same reason travel writers occasionally have been chastised for accepting free or discounted transportation, room and board: The public believes that their news judgment is implicitly influenced to at least some degree. To what extent should publishers be held to the same standard as reporters? If The Washington Post's publisher wants to charge people and companies to meet at a resort or on a yacht without reporters being present, why not? The roles of publisher and reporter are different and, presumably, there is a Chinese wall--or Church-State divide--between the business and editorial sides of the enterprise. That wall, though, appears breached if, at a publisher's behest, journalists have to attend events such as sponsored salons. Also, even actions that call into question the strength of that wall can be viewed as improper. In putting together sponsored salons attended by journalists, The Post appears to me simply to have bridged the Church-State divide.
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