Rubin, a “recovering lawyer” and former Washington editor of Pajamas Media before moving to the flagship neoconservative magazine, will fill an admitted void at the paper as a blogging conservative, said Post editorial board editor Fred Hiatt in an e-mail interview. “Right now I have Greg Sargent’s the Plum Line blogging from the left, and no one doing the equivalent thing from the right,” he wrote.
Rubin has her strengths. Her work can be thought provoking and she’s capable of doubling Sargent’s output. “Jen has labored daily never missing a news story, never missing an op-ed column, reading everything and digesting everything and commenting on everything,” wrote Commentary editor John Podhoretz in a farewell note. But her style is what most differentiates her work from the wonkish, reportorial tone of Sargent’s blog.
Rubin just started at the Post last week, and judgment on her output there should be reserved until she’s had a chance to establish herself. But the body of work that got her the job too often delighted in fanning the flames of an already overheated and polarized political debate.
When I asked Rubin by e-mail if the Post had asked her to tone down her rhetoric or suggested other changes to her style, she replied: “The only direction I received was to keep doing what I’ve always been doing.”
Rubin has a penchant for relentlessly sticking political opponents with negative labels. While overblown rhetoric is certainly a feature of most opinionated blogging, the Post considers its blogging part of its entire opinion operation, and applies the same standards aimed at civil discourse.
That’s why a popular liberal blogger like Glenn Greenwald—who regularly uses monikers like “warmonger”—isn’t in line for a gig at the Post. Nor do liberal Post bloggers like Sargent or Ezra Klein employ terms like “warmonger” or “war criminal” (a search on their pre-Post homes didn’t produce anything like that, either).
But people or ideas that drew Rubin’s ire at Commentary got saddled with an extreme position—or, in the case of President Barack Obama, several.
“Obama isn’t moderate, doesn’t like the free market, and isn’t interested in waging a robust war on Islamic fundamentalists,” Rubin wrote in the fall of 2009. During the “Ground Zero Mosque” controversy, Rubin claimed that Obama’s “sympathies for the Muslim World take precedence over those, such as they are, for his fellow citizens.” Last year, Rubin derided Obama as “the most anti-Israel U.S. president (ever),” a judgment unequivocally repudiated by even the hawkish Israel lobby group AIPAC. Undeterred, this summer Rubin lamented, in a typically overblown overstatement, that the Israel “must figure out how (quite literally) the Jewish state is to survive the Obama presidency,” insisting the following day that Israel will have to go it alone against Iran.
“When appropriate I will still label parties, groups and politicians as I see them,” Rubin told me by e-mail.
“To me,” Hiatt wrote in our exchange, “calling Obama an anti-Israel president, or even the most anti-Israel president ever, suggests strong views, but not necessarily inflammatory name-calling; the question is whether she backs up her charge with arguments and evidence. Whether you or I find the evidence compelling is a separate question from whether it is a legitimate position to take.”
But Rubin uses her name-calling tactic exactly to declare other people’s positions as illegitimate, refusing to back down or even acknowledge that her black-and-white rendering may omit mitigating details. Take the time she block-quoted Middle East analyst Daniel Levy—citing a blog called Mere Rhetoric—to attack the liberal Israeli former negotiator and veteran as an “all-star Israel-hater.” (Like she often does with the phrase “peace process,” Rubin also puts “liberal Zionist” in skeptical quotes, once even calling the term an “oxymoron.”)