In the days since Walter Cronkite’s recent death, the media have been awash with eulogies for and remembrances of the longtime CBS Evening News anchor, who was perhaps the twentieth century’s most iconic newsman. While many of these are no more than predictably pro forma tributes to a famous person who has died, many others seem legitimately and substantially mournful. Wistful, even; as if their authors realize that they’re not eulogizing Cronkite himself so much as what he both personally and journalistically represented—assurance, competence, empathy, authority. For better or for worse, he shaped a generation’s notion of what the news should be.
Here’s what Megan Garber had to say on this point yesterday:
He made the news an event rather than merely a business, a ritual joined in by a community connected not merely by the day’s doings, but also by the shared conviction that keeping informed of those doings is the duty we pay to democracy….
Cronkite’s audience was large not merely because it was captive. We responded not merely to “the news,” but to Cronkite himself as its deliverer—to his seriousness, to his integrity, to his unabashed love of the world and the human events that shape it.
As we advance further into these malleable times where nobody is quite sure what the news should be, it is perhaps worth learning from a man who often seemed as if he had no doubt—if only so that our plans for the future might benefit from a renewed appreciation of where we’ve been. What can modern journalists—professional, amateur, or otherwise—learn from Cronkite? Which contemporary journalists best exemplify ‘the Cronkite tradition’?
I think most journalists have already learned the Cronkite lesson: stick to the Upper East Side/Martha's Vineyard narrative and vocabulary of what constitutes 'news', and your career will prosper, and you will have nice things written about you. All the items in the highlight reel of Cronkite's excursions into policy are of this sort. He embodied the conventional wisdom of his class. Trouble is, the conventional wisdom of his class hasn't stood up very well.
Opposition to 'winning' the Vietnam war? U.S. troop involvement continued for five years after Cronkite's supposedly influential 1968 adoption of the dove position. The 'lessons of Vietnam' as broadly interpreted (don't get involved in wars overseas) didn't stand the test of time well. Cronkite's contribution to the feeding frenzy over Watergate? There was short-term fallout, but the Republicans were back in the White House only six years after Nixon's resignation, stronger than ever, and in retrospect the magnitude of this scandal seems to have been a function of chattering class attitudes toward Nixon rather than any abuse of power that was extraordinary by FDR or JFK standards. The space program? It did not go forward in spite of Cronkite's enthusiasm. I remember Cronkite's broadcast about the Three Mile Island mini-crisis in 1979. His narrative subscribed strictly to the liberal consensus view of that time, which was strongly opposed to nuclear power for silly and unscientific reasons. It's true that such attitudes stalled the construction of new plants for decades; it's also true that reality is finally catching up with that particular form of upper-class Luddism. The coverage of the Kennedy assassination? Estimation of this reporting is a function of the continued over-estimation of that historical event, and of the political popularity of the Kennedy family, which continues to distort contemporary political journalism - 'classic politics' the same way we have 'classic rock radio'.
None of this is a strong criticism of Cronkite himself, who was an attractive product of a particular cultural moment. It's just that you didn't (and still don't) rise to the top at CBS News or The New York Times or other old-media companies without being considered 'safe' on issues important to the cultural consensus of people identified (for short-hand purposes) with the environments above. The fragmenting of the news audience, and the rise of outlets like Fox News and Drudge and AM talk radio suggest that, in retrospect, Cronkite and the broadcast news epoch are not reliable sources of what was happening in their time - that they were not reporting accurately on the tough challeges to the 'liberal establishment' consensus that dominated the news industry then, and is still strong today.
#1 Posted by Mark Richard, CJR on Wed 22 Jul 2009 at 12:42 PM
@Mark Richard: Thanks for writing. I appreciate the thoughtfulness of your comment, and see many of your points. But I'm not sure I agree completely with your premises. There's a fine line, after all, between "conventional wisdom" and "the truth as we've best been able to determine it, collaboratively." The fact that views are commonly held doesn't make them intrinsically suspect--nor does the fact that views are commonly held by members of established news media, in particular, make them intrinsically biased.
You mention Cronkite's embodiment of "his class." Leaving aside his personal origins, I'd add that Cronkite was always proud both of the fact that he'd been a print reporter, first and foremost, who worked his way up the ranks...and, relatedly, of his own independence of thought. To me, the ideal he emobodies--if not, perhaps, always the reality--is journalism's establishment of its own kind of class. One predicated, to the extent possible, not on political or social values, but on the journalistic values of courage, honesty, truth-to-power, and the like.
To answer some of your points, and the question above more generally: what Cronkite represents most fundamentally, I think, is our yearning for togetherness--the kind that transcends social class and geography and even political leanings, the kind that cares more about what we share than what divides us. Even as news becomes more fragmented--even as, like Linus to his blanket, we wrap ourselves in our worldview- and politics-affirming cable channels and RSS feeds and niche news sites--there's something deep in us that wants news to be a collective endeavor. And that sees the democratic value in that collectivity. Cronkite was appointment TV, sure, but more to the point, he was collective TV. He was in many ways the antidote to Fox News and MSNBC and their ilk before we even knew we needed one one. That, to me, is his value; whether it's also his legacy will be up to us to decide.
#2 Posted by Megan Garber, CJR on Wed 22 Jul 2009 at 01:59 PM
I grew up watching Walter Cronkite on the CBS evening news. I was born in 1963 and have watched the famous clip of Cronkite announcing to the nation President Kennedy's death on November 22, 1963. My mother remembers how although he was shocked and stunned, he kept it together for the viewers. When 9/11 happened I really needed Walter Cronkite that day. I think we all did. He was brave and courageous and really knew the meaning of "breaking news, especially when he brokered an agreement of talks between Anwar Sadat and Mechaem Begin. And when LBJ died, he was on the phone about it while on the air! I haven't seen any news anchor do that since!
He was very courageous about his feelings for Vietnam, and a champion of the space program - even though NASA might have not been as enthusiastic about it.
Walter Cronkite to me signals the end of an era. I really, really wish I could have met him. I admired him very much.
#3 Posted by Melissa Webb, CJR on Wed 22 Jul 2009 at 08:22 PM
Over at Poynter, Roy Clark turns out a valuable perspective on Cronkite and his legacy.
#4 Posted by Megan Garber, CJR on Thu 23 Jul 2009 at 12:30 PM
Megan, I don't disagree with a lot of what you write in appreciation of Cronkite's role. But I think the 'togetherness' of shared experience of news events in Cronkite's day had a serious down side. I believe Cronkite thought he was expressing a consensus view on the part of the American public as a whole, when in fact he was expressing a consensus view of the people I roughly describe as 'Martha's Vineyard/Upper East Side' people as he got older, and as the job of 'newsreader to the nation' took on a status it did not have in John Cameron Swayze's day. His declared opposition to the Vietnam War in early 1968 exactly tracked the emerging state of mind of the Democratic Party at that time, as symbolized by Robert Kennedy's challenge to Johnson one month later; but Cronkite was out of touch with the America that gave most of its votes to Nixon and Wallace later that year, and with other trends that produced a generation of Republican presidents. In spite of the documentably negative reaction to the fallout of the Great Society over the last portion of Cronkite's career, the highlight reel includes no footage of him declaring the War on Poverty (Johnson's domestic Vietnam) a failure, no tough coverage of the often vicious outcomes of liberal legalism on violent crime which helped drive political outcomes; the glory days of the civil rights movement of the 1960s are presented as part of the heritage of Cronkite's generation of TV journalists; but sorely lacking is skepticism of the aftermath, of busing orders, racial preference policies, etc., and the associated policies which divide and bedevil American politics to this day, and which in Cronkite's day played a large, mostly ignored role in driving voters to the Right.
By the same token, the fragmentation of the news audience that you speak of has had its 'up' side, too. The 'togetherness' was somewhat illusory - the social fragmentation had already begun in Cronkite's heyday as the roughly 'liberal' Truman/Eisenhower postwar American consensus fell apart under the weight of some of its own contradictions, and found its expression in the rise of new media. There was really no difference in the news choices by CBS or NBC or ABC in those days. Today's cable/Internet/talk radio environment is brawling, free, messy, sometimes distorting, often silly. But the consumer clearly prefers it to the indistinguishable version of news presented on the existing networks - these clearly being too much a part of the permanent NY/Washington scene that they are supposed to be policing.
Anyway, thanks for responding.
#5 Posted by Mark Richard, CJR on Thu 23 Jul 2009 at 02:00 PM
http://www.foxnews.com/opinion/2009/07/19/remembering-walter-cronkite
As a longtime media reporter in New York and now a professor teaching future journalists, I agree with your comments about the mournfulness and fears for the profession of journalism implicit in many of the tributes to Cronkite. The world has changed. There are many values to the new-media world, in which communication is not one-way and top-down, from a few media voices. We'll never go back to the era of the Big Three (and only)network TV news divisions and their ability to reach a huge audience simultaneously, shining a light, for example, on sheriffs turning water hoses into weapons against civil-rights protestors. I agree, by the way that, as important as Cronkite's turning against the war was symbolically, historians have found that American public opinion also was turning against the war.) BUT--as I tell my students, "I'm old to be this idealistic." To my mind, despite the current environment of cable talk and opinion co-habitating with reporting, there is great merit to the goals of Cronkite and his era of print and TV journalists of, first of all, reporting the story (an activity that is under great economic pressue in journalism today)and then telling it fairly and accurately--and letting the public decide. Nobody has no opinions, of course; and phony objectivity also has its limits. But telling the story--and telling it straight--remains a valuable goal.
I'm attaching the article I've written about interviewing Cronkite for People magazine in the late 1980s. It contains some good quotes from him on CBS and TV News.
Jane Hall
#6 Posted by jane hall, CJR on Fri 24 Jul 2009 at 11:42 AM
Jane's comments are thoughtful and thoughtfully expressed . . . but I have to disagree with the contemporary narrative that Cronkite's announced opposition to the Vietnam War was some kind of leading indicator. Nobody 'liked' the war as Johnson was conducting it - how could they at that point, with no end in sight? Cronkite's opposition was to any attempt at a military 'solution'. Fair enough. But the public at large was a least as sympathetic to a 'military' solution as to withdrawal per the sort of Cronkite/NY Times typd of position.
After Nixon was elected, at no point was the public opposed to his military actions in support of his slowly-phased withdrawal, the ones strongly opposed by 'the doves' - the Cambodian 'incursion', the 'Christmas bombing' of Hanoi, any of it. Senator McGovern, who had built his candidacy on a position roughly similar to that ascribed to Cronkite, was obliterated in the 1972 elections. Cronkite's Vietnam commentary mirrored the thinking inside the Democratic Party, not of the country at large. I really think any study purporting to show that the public was 'dovish' on Vietnam after 1968 to the extent ascribed to Cronkite by his liberal admirers is going to have to explain away a lot of evidence to the contrary.
#7 Posted by Mark Richard, CJR on Fri 24 Jul 2009 at 12:37 PM
Is this Mark Richard the novelist?
#8 Posted by John Podhoretz, CJR on Fri 24 Jul 2009 at 01:38 PM
To John Podhoretz -
Sadly, no, this is Mark Richard the civil engineer. The novelist also shares my middle name, which causes my acquaintances confusion when Googling me.
#9 Posted by Mark Richard, CJR on Mon 27 Jul 2009 at 12:36 PM