In the flurry of reactions to Obamaâs Afghanistan speech, weâre seeing a lot pieces like this: âEchoes of Bush in Obamaâs Speech.â And this: âHow Obamaâs Surge Is Like Bushâs.â And this: âGeorge W. Obama or Barack H. Bush?” And this: “Obama’s Afghanistan Strategy Copies Obama’s Surge.” The basic logic being: Obama, in his Afghanistan strategy, is acting like George W. Bush.
The âJust Like Bushâ charge is, of course, a common conceitâor, more cynically, a common talking pointâamong progressive media figures. The idea being, apparently, that comparison to Bush the Younger is pretty much the worst insult that can be leveled at a fellow president/politician/human. And itâs a comparison that was exacerbated last night, in particular, by the fact that Obama delivered his Afghanistan strategy speech at the same storied institutionâWest Pointâwhere, in 2002, President Bush articulated his own strategy for a U.S. presence in the country. Where, specifically, Bush declaredâin a line heard âround the world save for Wasilla, Alaska: âOur security will require all Americans to be forward-looking and resolute, to be ready for preemptive action when necessary to defend our liberty and to defend our lives.â
Yet while the Bush comparo-accusations may pack a rhetorical punch from the partisan perspectiveâŠtheyâre incredibly unhelpful from the journalistic one. Last nightâs news coverage, at its best, added nuance and context and a sense of consequence to the statecraft and stagecraft that was Obamaâs articulation of his war strategy. But reductive âjust like Bushâ arguments anchor us in the past, rather than focusing on the presentâand they mislead by suggesting a whole slew of subsidiary Bush/Obama comparisons that simply arenât borne out by reality. They do a lot to disdain; they do little to explain. And audiences, last nightâparticularly given the myriad complexities of the situation in Afghanistan and its regionâdeserved the latter.
Take, for example, Rachel Maddow, who last night took the Bushbama logic a decisive step beyond that of its typical blanket Bushism. Obamaâs strategy, she declared, amounts to a continuationâand a reinvigorationâof Bushâs call for âpreemptive actionâ itself. Obamaâs strategy, in other words, is part and parcel of the most definingâand infamousâaspect of the previous presidency: the Bush doctrine.
The proclamation that the United States would no longer reserve the right just to wage war against countries or forces that threatened us, but that we would wage war to stop the emergence of threats in the futureâŠ. And thus was born not only the justification for, in the name of 9/11, attacking a country that had nothing to do with 9/11, but also the maximalist Bush doctrine concept of America at war globally, indefinitely, against anyone, at our own discretionâŠ.
It is a really radical concept if you think about itânot only about war, but about usâabout America. And it may have survived the Bush presidency.⊠A war reborn in what the president is describing in his own image, his own strategic terms, but which is justified, fundamentally, by what sounds like the Bush doctrineâŠ.
Is the massive escalation of the war in Afghanistan announced tonightâPresident Obamaâs own implementation of the preventive war Bush doctrine that Sarah Palin couldnât understand and that no oneâs really been able to justifyâthis war is not about threats to the United Stations from Afghanistan. To the extent that it is justified by preventing threats to us from emerging from Pakistan sometime in the futureâthatâs preventive war. Thatâs the Bush doctrine, in all its Orwellian extremism.
Back to Maddow in a momentâbut itâs worth noting, as well, that the progressive pundit wasnât the only one to subscribe, last night, to the âObama doctrineâ line of logic. During CNNâs speech wrap-up, Republican strategist Mary Matalin made the Obama-adopting-the-Bush-doctrine case from a different angle:
If you look at it from the big picture, essentially what this speech was, was a rehash of the Bush doctrine: weâre going to go after those who harbor terrorists, weâre not going to provide any safe haven, weâre going to beef up homeland security, weâre need to maintain a better relationship with Pakistan.
The pundits have a rather broad point. Yes, there is a preemptive quality to the Afghan strategy as articulated by Obama and as understood among the media. In the sense that the strategy involves, you know, preventing future terror attacks in the United States and protecting (yes, for the future) its interests in the region. But then: every war is preemptive in that sense: what Maddow accusatorily deems a âpreemptiveâ strategy (preemptiveâit must be Bushian!) could be understood just as easily as, you know, pragmatic policy.
The âpreemptive warâ clause of the Bush doctrineâto the extent that the thing is officially articulated in the first placeâis considered nefarious not on its face, but rather because the Bushian notion of âpreemptiveâ war is colored by history: it is conflated with the false pretenses of the war Bush waged in Iraq. And it is connected, generally, to the broader implications of a globalized notion of manifest destiny. Which is to say: âPreemptiveâ has several definitions, and Obamaâs and Bushâs are clearly different ones. Obama isnât choosing to start a war, but rather negotiating with one already waged. You canât be âpreemptiveâ about something that already exists.
The Bush/Obama comparison, in the end, washes over the particular details (such as they were) that the president articulated in his speech last nightâand ignores the many supplemental pieces of information and context and insight that other journalists, admirably, provided the public last night. âObama: so Bushianâ might make for good punditry. It doesnât, however, make for good journalism.
Megan Garber is an assistant editor at the Nieman Journalism Lab at Harvard University. She was formerly a CJR staff writer.