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The Media Today

Q&A: Bill Grueskin on the New York Times Beating Sarah Palin (Again)

“Two things can be true: you can publish something about a public figure that is clearly false, and you can avoid being held financially liable for having done so.”

April 23, 2025
Former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin speaks with reporters as she leaves federal court on February 14, 2022 in New York City. (Photo by Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images)

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Even by the standards of 2025, yesterday was an unusually consequential day for legal news about the media business. First, we learned that Bill Owens, the executive producer of 60 Minutes on CBS, is stepping back from that role, citing concerns about his independence from corporate meddling; President Trump is suing CBS over an interview that 60 Minutes did with Kamala Harris ahead of last year’s presidential election, and even though the suit is legally ridiculous, Paramount, which owns CBS and is currently seeking federal approval for a merger, is reportedly inclined to settle. (Owens “fought for the broadcast and for independent journalism and that cost him his job,” a source told CNN’s Jake Tapper. “It’s shameful.”) Then, a federal judge ruled that the Trump administration must halt its efforts to gut various broadcasters under the aegis of the US Agency for Global Media, in no small part because Congress voted to fund them. “It is hard to fathom a more straightforward display of arbitrary and capricious actions than the Defendants’ actions here,” the judge said.

As if this wasn’t enough major news, the gods of the media beat soon handed down another big story. Compared with the 60 Minutes and USAGM imbroglios, which are relatively recent, this one concerned a much longer-running drama and a central character—Sarah Palin, the former governor of Alaska and vice presidential candidate—who can perhaps be seen as an ur-Trump. Back in 2017, after a gunman opened fire on a congressional baseball practice, Palin sued the Times for defamation over an editorial that wrongly suggested she had helped incite the shooting of a different member of Congress, Gabby Giffords, six years earlier. (Palin’s PAC had published a map with crosshairs drawn over Giffords’s district, among others, but no link to the shooter was ever established.) The Times quickly apologized, but Palin went to court anyway. In 2022, a judge and a jury both sided with the Times, ruling that Palin had failed to establish that the paper acted with “actual malice”—or the idea that, under the high bar set by current precedent, a libel plaintiff who is a public figure must show that they were defamed intentionally or with reckless disregard for the truth. An appeals court, however, overturned the ruling—in part because the judge in the case, Jed Rakoff, had delivered his verdict while the jury was still deliberating; he hadn’t intended for the jurors to find out about it, but some of them got notifications on their phones.

This week, the jury in the rerun of the trial went to deliberate. While they were out, Rakoff, who was still presiding, said that he remained unconvinced by Palin’s case, according to Slate, but that he wouldn’t preempt the jury this time; “whether I think the Second Circuit was right or wrong, I know well they are my boss,” he said, of the appeals court. After less than three hours, the jury came back and agreed with Rakoff—the Times had won again. Palin’s lawyers have suggested in the past that they intended to use her case to overturn the aforementioned existing libel precedent, as set by the Supreme Court in the 1964 New York Times v. Sullivan case and subsequent rulings; at least two justices have recently expressed sympathy with that cause, and Samantha S. Barbas, a law professor who has written a book about the Sullivan case, told the Times’ Katie Robertson and David Enrich yesterday that Palin’s loss would further fuel its momentum, by demonstrating how high a bar “actual malice” presents to public figures looking to sue. (Enrich has also written a book about Sullivan and the push to overturn it; I interviewed him about it recently for CJR.) Yesterday, Palin posted on X that she’ll “keep asking the press to quit making things up” and called for her followers to “keep the faith,” alongside an emoji representing the scales of justice. Missing, however, was any confirmation that she intends to keep fighting—and remarks she made outside court didn’t sound very keepfightingey. Per Robertson and Enrich, she said she’ll “go home to a beautiful family” and “get on with life.” (It’s worth noting, too, that the Supreme Court recently turned down a chance to review Sullivan in a different case.)

This morning, I called Bill Grueskin, a faculty member at Columbia Journalism School and regular contributor to this newsletter and CJR’s website, to get his perspective on the verdict. Grueskin covered Palin’s suit for us back in 2020, after poring through court documents; he concluded that she faced “significant hurdles” in a legal sense, but that the record also showed “systemic problems in the way that Times writers and editors interact, especially when operating under deadline and in distant bureaus.” Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity.


JA: You dug into this case for us back in 2020, before it went to trial. Some people might just have written this off as a bad-faith right-wing witch hunt against the Times and the wider media. Why did you want to go so deep into the court record, and what did you find?

BG: I dug up the court records partly because everybody had written about the lawsuit and some of the early twists and turns it had taken in the courts, but I hadn’t really seen any account of what actually transpired in the newsroom—and as somebody who has spent a lot of time in newsroom management, from a small weekly paper in North Dakota to the Wall Street Journal and Bloomberg, I was interested in, How did this thing happen? I was approaching it less from a legal point of view, although of course that was one important element of it, and more from the standpoint of: If I’m a journalist hearing about the Palin case, what do I need to know so I don’t wind up with my ass being dragged through federal court? I was surprised, when I looked at the court file, that there were already a lot of publicly available depositions from key players in the case. I basically took every deposition and pieced it together as much as I could according to a timeline that I built on a huge Google Doc. The story kind of wrote itself at that point because it was so compelling.

Fast-forward to now: Were you surprised by yesterday’s verdict, or any of its specifics?

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Thanks to Sullivan, two things can be true: you can publish or broadcast something about a public figure that is clearly false, and you can avoid being held financially liable for having done so. There are certain circumstances that apply to that—and I don’t have a law degree, so I try not to get too far out of my lane in describing what those circumstances are—but the phrase “reckless disregard for the truth” has to be part of it. [The way the Times op-ed was edited and published by the then editorial page editor, James Bennet] I don’t think was reckless disregard for the truth, but it’s a reckless way to go about putting words on a page and onto the New York Times editorial section. I think that’s one reason why various courts wanted this to go to trial, and it didn’t get tossed out initially.

[In terms of the specifics of the verdict yesterday] it took the jury almost no time, right? It was a very quick verdict; I don’t think they even had time to order dinner. I think part of the problem is that Palin—and this was true from the deposition that I read back in 2020—could not really show any damage to her reputation. She had been a Fox commentator at the time, even after this thing ran—and God knows, an erroneous editorial about you in the New York Times is not gonna get you bounced off of Fox News; if anything, it’s gonna get you your own prime-time show. This [editorial] was up for fourteen hours or so, and they ran a correction; when you read into the depositions you’ll see that once Bennet realized, just a couple of hours after it had gone up, that he was wrong, he made every good-faith effort to correct it. That’s an important element in defending yourself in a case like this. 

Do you expect Palin to keep fighting this? Her public remarks about it yesterday were generally defiant but sounded kind of resigned, or at least vague about her intentions…

I can’t imagine she’s personally paying the legal fees for this. This thing has dragged on for years, and she does have good attorneys—they aren’t doing a crappy job of pursuing her case, it’s just that the underlying case is not that strong. So I’ve always been curious as to who is bankrolling this, because I don’t think there’s any indication, based on her depositions and other information, that Palin has the resources to mount what is clearly a multimillion-dollar process here. I think the fact that two juries and one judge have said at various times that there’s no case here would be very discouraging to any appellate court. 

If you read David Enrich’s recent book, it’s clear that there’s a huge movement among conservative legal circles, with support from several justices on the Supreme Court, to amend Sullivan or destroy it altogether. If you’re gonna do that, you need to have a really good case, and I don’t think this is the kind of case that SCOTUS would pick up.

I was about to ask you about this. On the one hand, this verdict could be seen as an explicit threat to Sullivan fading away. On the other hand, there might be a sense within the movement you just mentioned that Palin may not have been a particularly sympathetic plaintiff anyway…

It’s not so much unsympathetic; I think she’s unsuccessful. I think she actually is somewhat sympathetic—being associated with this near murder of a bunch of congressmen is a pretty upsetting thing, and I don’t doubt it was disconcerting to her. But there’s no sense that somehow her hugely successful career went skidding off the rails after this editorial ran for fourteen hours in the middle of the night. It’s just a ludicrous proposition. I would imagine conservative legal circles are gonna be looking for some semipublic figure, probably someone less public than Palin, who has a stronger case for arguing that they did suffer greatly—either on a personal level, being harassed or having their kids chased around, or having lost jobs or other income.

Do you see any linkages between the Palin outcome and yesterday’s other big media news out of CBS and USAGM? On the one hand, it predates these other stories and isn’t explicitly about Trump; it’s almost a portal into a different time. On the other hand, something about it has seemed to prefigure this age of intensifying right-wing attacks on the media that are now coming from inside the house. Did Palin v. New York Times walk so Trump v. CBS could run?

[For eight years] the New York Times, I think to its great credit, fought this thing tooth and nail every step of the way. I am not privy to what kind of settlement talks they may or may not have had with Palin and her attorneys, but you can imagine—you don’t have to imagine; you can see how ABC and Disney caved to Trump [in a more recent defamation case involving the anchor George Stephanopoulos, which ABC settled before Christmas]. In a perfect world, you would hope other media organizations would look at the New York Times and say, Well, goddammit, I guess we have to fight these things, too. It would be a somewhat different world if the Times had caved on the Palin case and paid her off just to go away. And they didn’t—they stuck it out through two trials and lots of depositions. 

Sometimes you get sued for defamation over a story that’s basically true. In this case, they got sued over an editorial that had one important untrue paragraph in it. And they kept fighting it. They didn’t try to pretend that the paragraph was fine and that Palin didn’t have a case, but they said, Look, we did everything possible to correct it as quickly as we could. I think they deserve a certain amount of admiration for that. And I would hope especially that well-financed news organizations might stiffen their spines a little bit the next time somebody comes after them for what’s basically an unfounded case.


Other notable stories:

  • Yesterday, I wrote in this newsletter about Pete Hegseth, the scandal-plagued defense secretary, and the ramifications—for the press and for Trump himself—of Trump’s apparent desire not to let the press claim his scalp. Shortly after I published, Hegseth went on Fox & Friends, the show whose weekend edition he used to host; the interview got off to an inauspicious start when host Brian Kilmeade accidentally introduced Hegseth as the “former secretary,” but that was a slip of the tongue and Hegseth soon made it clear he isn’t intending to go anywhere, slamming “disgruntled former employees” for leaking to the media in a bid to undermine his and Trump’s agenda. Those staffers, however, have denied leaking—and Drop Site’s Ryan Grim is out with a new story detailing a much more complicated internal chain of events.
  • Yesterday, we noted in this newsletter that Ryan Lizza, a star journalist at Politico, had left that outlet to start a Substack and suggested, on his way out the door, that his old employer’s style of journalism isn’t meeting this dangerous moment; now Lizza is alleging that a lawyer for Politico told him to delete the Substack post containing that claim, on the grounds that it violates a nondisparagement agreement. In other news about the media business, the Washington Post became the latest outlet to strike a deal with OpenAI, which will feature Post reporting in ChatGPT. And Kathleen Hennessey, an editor at the Times, will lead the Minnesota Star Tribune.

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Jon Allsop is a freelance journalist whose work has appeared in the New York Review of Books, The New Yorker, and The Atlantic, among other outlets. He writes CJR’s newsletter The Media Today. Find him on Twitter @Jon_Allsop.